Korea Needs Good Policies, Not Scapegoats

According to a 1956 paper by cognitive psychologist George A. Miller, humans can only remember and manipulate an average of seven (five to nine) chunks of information at a time. Grouping information units is also easier to memorize than simply listing them. Some psychologists have linked these cognitive limitations to conspiracy theories. The more complex reality becomes, the more people create nonexistent patterns and connections, finding the "simple answers" offered by conspiracy theories appealing.

When reality is painful and solutions are hard to come by, conspiracy theories often devolve into witch hunts. In Germany after World War I, rumors spread that "traitors on the home front stabbed frontline soldiers in the back, causing the defeat." Adolf Hitler rose to power by blaming the defeat and economic collapse on Jews and communists. Sometimes conspiracy narratives are reinforced for political purposes. Examples include the theory that the Sewol ferry was deliberately sunk, allegations of election fraud, and claims of a deal to drop charges against President Lee Jae-myung.

Conspiracy theories rest on the logic that "invisible forces" are manipulating and ruining the world. They breed distrust of existing social systems and experts, and they oversimplify complex structural problems. They also reflect social anxiety and a sense of individual helplessness. This is why conspiracy theories often emerge alongside a yearning for a "heroic leader." The harder the economy and the more chaotic politics become, the more people hope for a "savior" to appear. They wish that a single person's vision and decisiveness could sweep away their hardships in one stroke. Supporters of former President Moon Jae-in once exploited this public sentiment, likening him to Admiral Yi Sun-sin, a revered Korean naval hero, and calling him "the moon."

The social desire for a heroic leader can also give rise to populism. Structural reforms in pensions, labor and education are essential for strengthening national competitiveness and improving people's lives over the long term. But such reforms demand short-term pain and patience from stakeholders. Ultimately, leaders who step up as saviors tend to resort to stopgap measures such as cash handouts to satisfy the public's demand for immediate solutions.

President Lee Jae-myung, who came to power on the slogan "Lee Jae-myung gets it done," has seen his approval ratings continue to soar. Many analysts credit this to a governing style that emphasizes tangible results and communication. The problem is that the policy decision-making process relies on the president's personal skill rather than institutions and systems. When only the image of a "working president" is highlighted, the institutional capacity and social trust capital needed to solve national challenges are weakened.

A micromanaging leadership style that issues detailed directives through social media can undermine the executive branch's autonomy and lead to government inefficiency. While direct communication with the public has its merits, using it as a tool to rally the base can deepen factional conflict. The ruling party has been citing the extraordinary political situation to bypass democratic procedures and labeling the opposition, judiciary and media that criticize this approach as corrupt forces.

It is particularly concerning that the government appears to be trying to reduce structural problems such as rising apartment prices and inflation to the fault of specific groups. In reality, fundamental measures like expanding supply and reforming distribution structures are difficult to implement. Yet it is doubtful whether shifting blame onto certain citizens and businesses will solve these problems. For instance, while tighter regulations on multi-home owners have increased the number of apartments on the market, the jeonse (lump-sum deposit lease) crisis has worsened, adding to the suffering of homeless renters. The push to dismantle the prosecution has become so fixated on "demonizing prosecutors" that the top priorities — strengthening crime-fighting capabilities and protecting victims — have been pushed aside.

Solving social challenges does not happen overnight. It is a painstaking process involving extensive deliberation and conflict resolution among citizens. As the Yoon Suk-yeol government's failure in medical reform showed, blaming vested interests while putting off detailed policy design only pushes the original goals further out of reach. The harsher the president's rhetoric becomes, the more slogans will replace policies, and the more public officials will focus on punishing someone rather than solving problems.

At his New Year press conference this year, President Lee said he would adopt "only the people's livelihood" as his governing principle and move toward pragmatism free of ideology, factionalism and political strife. If that is the case, the question must shift from "who is bad" to "what policies are needed." Only then will President Lee achieve his governing objectives and be remembered as a "successful president."